By Bunmi Makinwa
Just for a brief time, the videos of two Nigerian police constabularies went viral. In the first video, the two men demanded money from a female European motorcyclist on a world tour through Nigeria. In the second video, the two men were seen being dismissed from the service. In a third video which did not seem to have gone around as frequently as the two previous ones, upon their dismissal, the same two policemen spoke of their hard and meaningless life in the force. They said that they had not been paid for their services for many months. They also said that they merely sought “assistance” from the said motorcyclist who they let go when she did not give anything. Put together, the three videos can serve as models of the approach that Nigeria adopts and uses in its claim of fighting corruption in the public domain. The two videos portray the process of accusation and punishment for corruption. The third video mirrors the views of those caught – either as excuses or explanation of the numerous reasons why the society cannot but be corrupt. Available information shows that the Nigeria Police Force frequently disciplines its officers who are caught for misbehaviour. In 2023, a national newspaper reported that in October, December 2022, and April 2023, the Force dismissed 18 officers for abuse of power, gross indiscipline and extortion, among others. Also at state levels, disciplinary measures are taken often. In Kano State last year, an inspector and two sergeants attached to a popular musician were dismissed for firing their bullets carelessly in the air at a crowded place and thereby guilty of misconduct. Despite its low tolerance of corruption and misbehaviour by its officers, the public views the police as widely corrupt or corruptible. There are many reasons, and they are organizational as well as in the wider context of society and the community of the police force. Let us look within and around the police force as seen through five personal experiences in various places in Nigeria.
No 1: A team of policemen had stopped many rickety vehicles on a busy road in a city and were collecting money from the drivers in full public view. Without being asked to stop, I pulled over and beckoned to one of the policemen. After a short conversation on why they would cause traffic pile-ups because they wanted free money, and openly too, he explained to me politely that the least I could do was to make my contribution to the “emergency care” of my poverty-ridden police. He said that the collection that was going on would enable their police station nearby to pay for electricity, petrol for their vehicles, and maintenance of the station in general. Responding to my remark that he had a clean and proper uniform, he assured me that the uniform and boots were bought from previous collections from “good Samaritans” like myself. Well, I found out independently that his claims were not false and were characteristic of the situation in many police stations.
No 2: A Divisional Police Officer handling an unfortunate case told the people concerned that they had to make what amounted to significant “payments” for any documentation to be prepared by his officers. Indeed, he gave the people concerned the specific amounts to be given to five of his men and only after it was done could he rightfully direct that the work should be done. Asked for reasons, the DPO, in summary, told of how any police officer who was deployed to the station (and any “viable” office for that matter) had to pay a certain amount to superiors who determined the placements based on amounts paid.
No 3: In a discussion among close friends, a former commissioner of police for a state said that it was hardly possible to get his budgetary allocation from the Force Headquarters in Abuja. Rather, he depended heavily on the goodwill of the state governor to provide for the state police command financially and with vehicles and equipment to function.
No 4: A senior civil servant had police aides officially assigned to him to provide security. When he left office, he made whatever arrangement and was able to keep the same policemen for security and any other purposes. The retired civil servant often said that the policemen would resign from the police service if he asked them to do it because he took much better care of them, paid them well, and provided for their family expenses.
No 5: A lady police officer complained publicly about her salary, stating that she had no means of providing money for transport to and from school for her two children. Neither could she afford, from her salary, any money to pay many “dues” requested by the teachers at the so-called free-education public school that the children attended. As a result, her children had no desk or chair to use whilst in school.
The examples above are just a few of the indicators of how the anti-corruption activities of the police cannot be effective when carried out in the narrow context of sanctions. Just as the government cannot be taken seriously, nor can it be effective in lowering the level of corruption, unless it does much more. Whilst disciplinary measures, including dismissal of corrupt police officers, is justified and necessary, it is far from near enough to reduce or eliminate the factors that encourage corruption within the police force. Similarly, any such limited measures of government have very limited impact on corruption in any organization, society and in Nigeria a whole. It is rare to find a public institution, organization or place of interaction in the country where a culture of corruption does not thrive. In fact, it is almost compelling for people to engage in corruption. It has become a need, normalized and often existential. Government after government claims that it will reduce or stop corruption in the public sphere. Yet their policies and actions are short-sighted and limited to sporadic “fire-fighting” at best, and public noise-making that gets media attention and political support. Beyond dealing with corrupt officials, the government does not address the fundamentals and key factors that foster and increase corruption. Meanwhile, the devastating weight of corruption handicaps the country. Corruption is why there are bad infrastructures, no infrastructures and wasteful spending. It is why there is irregular electricity supply, poor health facilities, low quality education and huge unemployment. Development is slowed down and often impossible. In a vicious cycle, poverty encourages corruption and corruption drives poverty. The Muhammadu Buhari administration came into office with a loud anti-corruption agenda but failed woefully to lower the scourge mainly because the regime least understood the issues, among other acts of incompetence and deliberate misdeeds. It saw corruption largely as the occasional media noise about the arrest, trial and jail of a well-known politician. It is yet to be seen if the current government understands the multiple drivers of corruption and will do better at mobilizing the country vigorously and also morally to tackle corruption at individual, group, organizational and societal levels using theoretical, practical and technological means.
How does a government fight corruption if its policies place people on a trajectory of poorer and more harsh existence? How does a government discourage corruption when elected officials, both state and federal, manifest themselves as devourers of the funds and assets of the country? When political leaders live well above their means and typify examples of sudden wealth and ostentation merely because they occupy positions of service, the leaders sow seeds of corruption in their young people and followers. When the path to win election is only through use of money massively to buy candidatures and electorates, and impose oneself in a political party, then the success in office is measured by accumulation of money. How can one fight corruption when the highest-paid civil servant knows that when she retires from the service, her monthly pension will not be sufficient to feed and ensure minimal comfort of life? Where a tenant has to pay a year’s rent in advance yet earns a monthly salary; where the purchase of a house has to be paid in full; just like the purchase of a vehicle has to be paid in full; and where parents’ singular aim is to be able to afford payment at expensive private schools for any meaningful education for their children, corruption will continue to thrive and grow. In today’s situation, for every two police constables that are sacked, there are, at least, 200 that will replace them to continue to seek “assistance” from any given motorcyclist, motorist or citizens.
Bunmi Makinwa is the CEO of AUNIQUEI Communication for Leadership.
